Hoosierland
USA – who would have guessed that placid Indiana University (IU) would become a
hothouse in the ‘60s for the politics of the left as well as the right. Not only
were dozens of New Left activists nurtured there, but also several nationally
known conservative student leaders. Several extremist IU alums even went on to
join one of the most violent groups of those times, the notorious Symbionese
Liberation Army, or SLA.
On the right – the New Right of conservative politics – three fellow students, who would subsequently assume major leadership roles in the nationwide conservative movement, actively contested the IU New Left on the Vietnam War. One became President of Young Americans for Freedom (YAF) and later served in the Nixon White House, another founded a magazine that became immensely influential in conservative circles in Washington and across the country, while the third alum assumed leadership of the national pro-Vietnam War movement.*
For the New Left activists, most of them anyway, who returned to IU for a gala reunion in August 2013 as well as for two of the campus conservative leaders, family politics had been a significant determinant of their activism as students and beyond. In contrast, the genesis of the IU SLA members’ – William Harris, Emily Harris, and Angela DeAngelis Atwood – subsequent infamous behavior is less well understood.
Perhaps most surprising was the case of Angela DeAngelis, who subsequently took the nom de guerre ‘General Gelina’ in the SLA and helped kidnap Patricia Hearst. Angela had arrived at Indiana University from a New Jersey high school where she’d been a popular young woman, cheerleading captain, and the star of many school musicals. True, at IU she fell under the influence of Gary Atwood, a student left activist whom she later married, but otherwise hers was a fairly typical college experience – joining a sorority, performing in university theater, majoring in education.
On the right – the New Right of conservative politics – three fellow students, who would subsequently assume major leadership roles in the nationwide conservative movement, actively contested the IU New Left on the Vietnam War. One became President of Young Americans for Freedom (YAF) and later served in the Nixon White House, another founded a magazine that became immensely influential in conservative circles in Washington and across the country, while the third alum assumed leadership of the national pro-Vietnam War movement.*
For the New Left activists, most of them anyway, who returned to IU for a gala reunion in August 2013 as well as for two of the campus conservative leaders, family politics had been a significant determinant of their activism as students and beyond. In contrast, the genesis of the IU SLA members’ – William Harris, Emily Harris, and Angela DeAngelis Atwood – subsequent infamous behavior is less well understood.
Perhaps most surprising was the case of Angela DeAngelis, who subsequently took the nom de guerre ‘General Gelina’ in the SLA and helped kidnap Patricia Hearst. Angela had arrived at Indiana University from a New Jersey high school where she’d been a popular young woman, cheerleading captain, and the star of many school musicals. True, at IU she fell under the influence of Gary Atwood, a student left activist whom she later married, but otherwise hers was a fairly typical college experience – joining a sorority, performing in university theater, majoring in education.
Angela DeAngelis, Indiana
University ‘70
The New
Left returnees included several ‘red diaper babies’** and a number from
politically active liberal families; another was the son of British Laborites,
members of the Labor Party. One of the conservative leaders came from a
Republican activist family, while the other – who had served two tours in
Vietnam – was from a family whose members had served in previous wars. The offspring
of all these legacies went on to make waves on the placid surface of Indiana
University and later in society at large. In contrast, the extremist SLA dramatically
crashed and burned, so to speak, during the ‘70s. Only one member remains in
prison serving a life sentence, while others who have served time keep a low
profile.
The one
outlier among the IU New Left was my younger brother Jeff Sharlet (1942-1969),
who, during his IU years, became a leading member of SDS, or Students for a
Democratic Society. Jeff and I came from an apolitical family. Our parents
probably voted Democratic, but they never revealed their preferences to us. I
recall only one family ‘political’ outing. In the late ‘40s a few years after
Franklin Roosevelt’s death, my mother took me – Jeff was too young – on a kind
of pilgrimage from where we lived down along the Hudson River to visit the late
president’s grave in the garden of the Roosevelt estate at Hyde Park NY.
The only topics of conversation Jeff
and I ever heard at table were about our parents’ business or their busy social
life. No politics or political issues were discussed. I later learned why. Their
business was in a town marked by partisan politics where power changed hands
frequently. The key office was town assessor. The incoming administration would
reward its business supporters with lower tax levies, while the assessments for
those who opposed them would rise.
So Jeff
and I went out into the world as political innocents. To add to our quiescence,
we both attended a traditional military prep school where the politics of the
day were never mentioned. No doubt it was simply assumed that the mainstream ‘50s
consensus of the Eisenhower era prevailed. I left home first, eventually
landing in academe where I imbibed the standard liberal politics of the
professoriate, while Jeff ended up in Vietnam where disillusionment with the mission
politicized him. Later at IU among the New Left, the very group now meeting
decades later, he became radicalized.
Jeff Sharlet’s senior yearbook
photo, The Albany Academy, 1960
Because
Jeff died at an early age, I was invited to the reunion in his stead. Hence, I
found myself at the gathering’s ‘Town Hall’ – a general meeting – listening with
fascination as Jeff’s old friends and comrades spoke of their lives on the
left. In their activism at IU, two of those profiled below clearly reflected
their families’ political legacies. The other individual, very much in the
spirit of Edgar Lee Masters’ Spoon River Anthology (1915), read a
posthumous statement, literally a voice from the grave.
Tom
Balanoff’s (IU ’72) father had been a man of the Old Left, the well-known director
of the largest district in the steelworkers’ union during the heyday of
American heavy industry. No real surprise then that Tom followed in his
footsteps, choosing the Old Left over the New Left at IU, and later pursuing a
career in the trade union movement.
Starting
modestly, Tom began at the bottom of the career ladder as a lowly union staffer.
However, his talent for organization and leadership was soon recognized, and he
moved up the hierarchy, eventually becoming a major national and international
union leader. In the post-industrial landscape of past decades, Tom’s
organizational base became the ‘Service Employees International Union’ (SEIU),
made up mainly of janitors and security guards.
Tom Balanoff, union leader in
action
In his
remarks at the IU Town Hall, Tom Balanoff filled in the details of his career
as a left activist who went on to success in the contemporary labor movement:
I was here in Bloomington from
’68 to ’72, a very exciting time to be here. I’m also a red diaper baby so I
came to IU with a very strong sense of politics. My friends, many of whom are
here – who were in the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) – didn’t really agree with my
politics because we were with Joe [Stalin, an allusion to the American
Communist Party] instead of Leon [Trotsky,
guiding spirit of the SWP]. Quite frankly
it seemed appropriate to me at the time, but it doesn’t seem that appropriate
anymore.
After leaving Bloomington, I went into the labor movement – actually I first went to grad school. Initially I tried to get into the labor movement – you know like my father, work my way up in the mill – but looking back no steel mill anywhere in Indiana would hire me because of our family name. So I ended up going to grad school [for an MA in Labor and Industrial Relations], and then I went into the labor movement. I’ve been in the labor movement for the last 40 years.
I work in the Service Employees International Union. I worked for a number of industrial unions, and in ’88 I went to the SEIU as a research director. I will say that it’s the one job – and I’ve had a number of positions – but the one job I really wasn’t qualified for, but that was neither here nor there. They actually recruited me – I became Research Director of the Property Service Division.
Maybe you’ve heard about the ‘Justice for Janitors Movement’? … I was the national director of it, and then in ’94 I went back to Chicago for SEIU … I made the transition to an elected position, got elected president of that local.
I’m president of Local 1 in Chicago, it’s a Property Service local, we’re a central region local. … I don’t know if any of you have heard about the Houston janitors struggle, but we organized that. I was the president and negotiated all those contracts – won two successful strikes, our first historic one in 2006, and last summer a five-week strike to maintain janitors’ standards in Houston. … I do a lot of stuff for SEIU – I’m on the national board. I actually do a lot of international labor stuff [too]. So that’s what I’ve been doing for the last 40 years.
After leaving Bloomington, I went into the labor movement – actually I first went to grad school. Initially I tried to get into the labor movement – you know like my father, work my way up in the mill – but looking back no steel mill anywhere in Indiana would hire me because of our family name. So I ended up going to grad school [for an MA in Labor and Industrial Relations], and then I went into the labor movement. I’ve been in the labor movement for the last 40 years.
I work in the Service Employees International Union. I worked for a number of industrial unions, and in ’88 I went to the SEIU as a research director. I will say that it’s the one job – and I’ve had a number of positions – but the one job I really wasn’t qualified for, but that was neither here nor there. They actually recruited me – I became Research Director of the Property Service Division.
Maybe you’ve heard about the ‘Justice for Janitors Movement’? … I was the national director of it, and then in ’94 I went back to Chicago for SEIU … I made the transition to an elected position, got elected president of that local.
I’m president of Local 1 in Chicago, it’s a Property Service local, we’re a central region local. … I don’t know if any of you have heard about the Houston janitors struggle, but we organized that. I was the president and negotiated all those contracts – won two successful strikes, our first historic one in 2006, and last summer a five-week strike to maintain janitors’ standards in Houston. … I do a lot of stuff for SEIU – I’m on the national board. I actually do a lot of international labor stuff [too]. So that’s what I’ve been doing for the last 40 years.
As a
prominent union leader, Tom is active in national politics as well as the local
Chicago scene. He spoke at the Democratic National Convention in 2008, and most
recently he joined the street protest against closing school closings in
Chicago.
Unlike
Tom Balanoff – at IU Ellen Ostrofsky made the transition from a family of the
Old Left to the campus New Left. Her mother and uncle had been young activists
for the Old Left, but Ellen and her future husband became New Left activists at
IU. Of course, the New Left was initially an offspring of the Old Left, but
soon left behind the doctrinaire, hierarchical, and highly disciplined
political style of the American Communist Party (CPUSA) as well as the various
non-communist old line socialist alternatives.
At the
Town Hall Ellen was on the far side of the large room, so below are excerpts
from her remarks which came through clearly on the audio:
I came [to the reunion] with my brother Charlie. … I was in high
school in ’67. I wasn’t a red diaper baby, but there were people in my family
who were in the progressive movement. My mother told me that as a child she
sold the ‘Daily Worker’ in New York. …
The Daily Worker, official paper
of the American Communist Party
I remember when I was in high
school, my mother was at the Democratic National Convention [in Chicago ‘68], and I remember her saying, “You should be
down there marching!” …. I went down there with my dad and I passed out
leaflets, and we talked and talked.
And then Charlie went to IU and of
course my dad wanted me to come here too. So I came down in ’69 and I just
loved it here … some of the best years of my life. When my husband went [out] with me – he was my boyfriend then – we were active and went to all
the demonstrations.
It’s funny, I remember one of the
antiwar demonstrations in Washington. We were running down – going down the
middle of the street and there was my aunt from New York City. She’s standing
in the middle of the street saying, “Well we were here looking for Charlie.”
And she found me! Some of the best years and we made some great friends. I
remember people here, great friends ….
I have to say, I haven’t really
been active though I taught art in school in Chicago for years. Teaching school
was a real education, a real education. I think I learned more from my kids. As
I said, these are some of the happy memories ….
The last
speaker of this profile was quite unusual. Not a person of the left, Anna
Wiley, IU ’56, had heard that members of the former IU New Left were coming
back to Bloomington, and had come to the Town Hall to greet them on behalf of
her late husband, some of whom he had taught at IU.
David
Wiley had a long and successful career as a theater professor and director of
student productions – from Shakespeare to the modern Theater of the Absurd – at
several colleges and universities. He was on the faculty of Indiana University
during its most tumultuous period, 1966-73. Throughout his academic career,
Professor Wiley also distinguished himself as an activist for liberal causes.
At his
first posting, a college in Virginia in the ‘50s, he promoted racial
integration. In Bloomington in the ‘60s, he assumed leadership roles in the
ACLU, or American Civil Liberties Union, both locally and statewide. At his
final teaching position, a southern university in the Bible Belt, Wiley and his
wife, Anna, were plantiffs in a lawsuit in federal district court against Bible
study in public schools – a courageous stand that cost him his departmental
chairmanship in that fundamentalist environment. The chancellor of the
university asked him to step down.
Akin to
the inhabitants of fictional Spoon River who declaimed from the town cemetery, David
Wiley ‘spoke’ to the New Left that morning in a letter written before his
death. Following a speaker who read out a roll call of the IU activists dead
and gone, including brother Jeff, Anna Wiley rose from the audience, saying
“I’d like to add a few words from the grave”:
My husband, David Wiley, in the
years you’re talking about, was a theater professor. He directed Gary Atwood,
whom you may remember, and Angela DeAngelis in ‘The Winter’s Tale’. But at the end of his career – he is now gone – he
wrote these words about you, and so I thought you might be interested:
I remember finding before me at Indiana University,
women in fighting dress: jeans bell-bottomed, tie-dyed
T-shirts, and an embarrassing absence of bras, and the
men hardly distinguishable from the women. They were
students who took no prisoners, who were suspicious of
the faculty and abhorred the administration, who could
go on strike and blockade the classroom buildings, who
made demands, who forced the central administration of
a great university to set up a secret headquarters in case
the president's office was occupied.
Their language was forthright, figurative, and four-
Their language was forthright, figurative, and four-
lettered. By our latter-day standards, foul-mouthed.
I had not heard that language since my Army days.
Many of them though were intellectually tough and
relentlessly honest, but some sadly took on a kind of
inexplicable madness, perhaps under the frustration
of not being able to change the world in a day or night.
One of my advisees [Angela DeAngelis Atwood]
distinguished herself by becoming a member of the
group [the SLA] that kidnapped Patty Hearst, and
in a firefight with the police.
[Anna: At the time my husband lamented that her
education had failed her.]
But these were not just hippie-esque folk, a passing
curiosity in American life. They shocked the old
traditions of the academic world and pulled them up
by the roots. The present state of relationships between
students, faculty, and administration my be linked
directly to the upheavals of their generation.
They had discovered something that their forebears
missed: that students had power. They demanded and
got places for students on key administrative committees.
They made student evaluations of the faculty popular.
They and their progeny were willing to challenge the
canons of literature and the arts and the sciences,
questioning the dominance of Eurocentric studies in
colleges and universities in America, demanding new
courses of study, even new departments.
So we end this segment with David Wiley's eloquent paean to the New Left and its impact on university life and society – echoing themes and counter-themes of the analogue text Spoon River mentioned earlier. Both the poet Masters and the collective voices of the IU Town Hall shared disappointment during their respective eras that America's original democratic ideal had grown tarnished; however, their remedies diverged profoundly.
Masters,
fundamentally pessimistic about his America at the turn of the 20th
century, looked back wistfully to an Edenic past characterized by a simpler Jeffersonian
society, while the gracefully aging IU activists, inspired by Marx, still
hopefully aspired to a future marked by the Marxian ideal of a fairer society.
__________________
*http://jeffsharletandvietnamgi.blogspot.com/2013/07/blueprint-fr-police-state-in-american.html
**The phrase 'red diaper baby' usually signifies a child born of at least one parent associated with the American Communist Party, although more loosely as the offspring of radical parents of the Old Left. It's difficult to know, however, whether such a self-described person means the term narrowly or broadly.
**The phrase 'red diaper baby' usually signifies a child born of at least one parent associated with the American Communist Party, although more loosely as the offspring of radical parents of the Old Left. It's difficult to know, however, whether such a self-described person means the term narrowly or broadly.